The Effects of One-Child Policy on Chinese Kinship

Burt Jiang Anthropology 331 4/22/2013 Term Paper The origins of Chinese civilization derive its root from the Huang-he and Yangtze Rivers. Like other ancient river valley civilizations, these both rivers provided early Chinese settlers with the raw materials necessary to sustain culture and society. Burgeoning from small, scattered coteries, autonomous groups of Chinese villages set around the rivers would in turn become the building blocks of the ancient Chinese dynasties to the modern day, Peoples commonwealth of chinaw atomic number 18.The system of kinspersons became an telling method of identifying geniuss take hold got lineage through the main goance of a single surname throughout the clan. As the social structure of the clan grew, the complex interactions among clan and non-clan members eventually synergized to create mainland Chinas own form of affinity. Anthropologists ingest since come to classify Chinese family relationship under the broader term of Sudanese k inship. The Sudanese, and by extension Chinese, kinship is con cheekred the more or less complex system with a separate designation for almost e rattling unity of egos kin base on generation, lineage, relative age, and sex activity.As ob managed, the Chinese kinship system already has a strictly defined scheme of kin identification, but the monikers besides serve as an outline of Chinas kinship system. The true backbone of Chinese kinship draws its source from Confucian ideals, ideals that have been deeply ingrained in Chinese dogma since the late fifth nose candy B. C. Among his teachings of filial piety and ascendant worship, Confucius outlines for the Chinese people the quint most basic interactions interactions between ruler and example father and son elder and younger brother husband and wife and between friends.Of the quintuple interactions, the interactions between father-son, and husband-wife, have seen the greatest amount of development and miscellany throughout to course of Chinas history. As China exited the feudal age and entered the modern world as The Peoples Republic of China, the two interactions identified experienced considerable changes while maintaining their signature Chinese accent. Feudal Chinas departure, and the advent of communist China, has brought forth rapid family reform and ultimately, the evocation of the One-Child Policy. Even in the face of rapid modernization and reform, the trong influences of Confucian ideals and an intrinsic patrilineal roue pattern still characterize Chinese kinship however, the existence of the One-Child Policy, and its ramifications, has erect stress on the traditional Chinese family structures as well as possibly creating many an(prenominal) more problems future generations must solve. Of all the pseudo-religious institutions that took incorporate in China, Daoism and Zen Buddhism, most notably, the concept of ancestor worship regularize forth by Confucius is by far the most ubiquitous in Chinese culture and kinship relationships.Defined by the nine agnates, Confucius took great efforts to outline the thermonuclear family as clearly as possible, three generations prior to the ego, the ego, and three generations after the ego. at heart the nine agnates, ancestral worship and filial piety became the driving forces that perpetuated kinship interactions in China for generations. Thus forms the cyclical cycle of Chinese kinship, the younger generations are kept in line by the rules of filial piety while the older generation is kept in memory and reverence via ancestral worship.The grandness of ancestor worship can be conceptualized and materialized through the complex sadness attire and rituals exhibited by the Chinese people. Much like the suruai of Kwaio, someones in mourning must display no worldly attachment, must not be seen in public, must have abstain from sexual activity, and generally must croak a life of detachment throughout the mourning period (Akin March 11). The mourning period is defined by the relationship of the mourner to the individual that has passed external consequently, the duration of this period can range from three months to three years based on the strength of the bond shared.During a time of mourning, individuals must also wear complementing attire to signify which stage of mourning he/she is in hence the attire has evolved into the five degrees of mourning attire. Chinese mourning rituals were taken real seriously within the clans and the act of proposing to an individual exhibiting any stage of the five degrees of mourning attire was considered highly immoral and taboo. Rituals of ancestor worship, like mourning ceremonies and attire, serve to underscore the importance of the ancestors to the Chinese people.The sterility, and structure, of the mourning period is an excellent example of the reverence Chinese individuals hold for their deceased kin to interrupt the transition from individual to ancestor is s till considered highly disrespectful and taboo even in modern China. Ancestor worship provides a broad blanket of allegiance for the Chinese kinship system. The importance of ancestor worship is to keep entire clans together, but the smaller familial units require a force more tenable and exact.Within the nuclear family, Confucius saw the wisdom to conceive of another ideal that complements the notion of ancestor worship, that idea being filial piety. Filial piety, in turn, provides the construct in which the five relationships, outlined earlier, can be practically maintained and perpetuated. Confucius relationship of father and son is kept constant by the power of filial piety. Younger generations are taught to respect and heed the advice of their forefathers. Consequently, this interaction creates an incredibly structured kinship system in which obedience is preferential to individuality.The rules defined by filial piety culminated in the written document known as The Great Qing L egal Code, introduced during the Qing Dynasty, 1644 to 1912. This document not only provided, in great detail, the laws and codes regarding kinship bonds on all five levels of relationship, but it also included the punishments if those bonds were broken or tested by nuisance (Jones 29). Criminal activity was therefore punished more severely if the crime committed was within the clan, and further intensified if the offence was committed against a higher ranking individual.The importance of upholding the kinship relations set forth by Confucius can be seen in the Codes punishment for breaking the first and foremost relationship of ruler and subject. Punishment for breaking Chinas most important bond leaded in what is known as The extermination of nine kindreds. Any individual who commits treason against his/her emperor would be subject to the screw annihilation of his/her nine agnates, effectively erasing that individuals bloodline (Jones 16).This incredibly overt punishment trick conduct down, with lesser severity, to the other four relationships, and ultimately underlined the importance of homage to kin and emperor. Filial pietys significance is further stressed in the father-son relationship because of Chinas early affinity to the patrilineal descent system, echoes from the countrys roots in the clan structure. Since only males can bear and preserve the family surname, loyalty of the son to the father became critical in a patrilineal descent system.In order to ensure the lineages continuation, carefully arranged weddings between families would rise as the forefront solution. Chinese kinship, like many other systems, relies on the institution of marriage as bridge between two bodies of people. Recognized in Confucian teachings, a married couple is considered the most basic social unit from which other relationships stem. In Chinese culture, marriages were generally arranged by a matchmaker who would bless the union. After the marriage, the wife would be incorporated into the husbands family thus resulting in the importance of the production of sons to keep the family surname.Throughout history, Chinese marriages and kinship revolved around the production of viable sons to stock up the family name. Like Kwaio societies, rankness of the mother proved to be of paramount importance when evaluating a marriage relationship (Akin February 20). It is important to take note, however, that while monogamy was the original practice, polygamy gained prominence in imperial families that could not asseverate a healthy male heir, a problem solved also by nurture kinship (Akin January 23).Once married, divorce was possible only if the wife was proved to have engaged in one of these seven offences ill to observe filial piety to the parent-in-laws, failure to bear a son, consistently vulgar or lewd, harbors jealousy, has a vile disease, gossips too much, or commits a theft. Although unusual to western societies, gossip is viewed as a poison to f amilies and clans because of its inherent proclivity to hyperbole and fabrication. Patrilineal descents importance can be clearly observed in marriage rituals as divorce is only possible if the female fails to produce a son or commits other errs.There are, however, three distinct situations in which a wife is guaranteed right from a divorce, those three situations being the wife has no family to return to, the wife has observed a full three year mourning period for her parent-in-law, or if her husband was poor during marriage and is currently wealth. In conjunction with ancestor worship, filial piety, and the structured marriage system, Chinese kinship has developed these three trademark pillars to safeguard strong kinship bonds of father-son and husband-wife from one generation to the next.Although only briefly mentioned earlier, the wedding ceremonies themselves are a testament to the extravagance and importance of a determination such as marriage to the Chinese people. Categor ized by the six etiquettes, Chinese wedding ceremonies consisted of the proposal, birthdates, bride price, wedding gifts, arranging the wedding, and the ceremony itself. Each of the six etiquettes involves a highly organized succession of events that would lead to marriage of husband and wife. The first two steps, proposal and birthdates, involve a matchmaker evaluating a potential daughter-in-law for marriage.If the fortune telling rituals, Suan Ming, are positive and both sides of the marriage accept the terms, the next step would be submitting a bride price (Wolf 102). Bride price, or betrothal gifts, is then presented by the matchmaker to the bridegrooms family completing the pre-wedding rituals. The actual wedding ceremony is somewhat austere in comparison to its preparation. It simply involves, in western society terms, the exchanging of vows and considerably blessings followed by paying respects to the Jade Emperor, other deities, and each familys ancestors.Finally, the wedd ing banquet is the closing event in the marriage process and is often more lively and festive. Traditionally, the groom is responsible for the cost of the wedding invitation, pastries, the banquet invitations, and the wedding itself. Wedding banquets are elaborate and consist usually of five to ten courses, with ingredients such assharks fin,abalone,lobster,squab,sea cucumber,swift nests,fish roein soup or as decoration on top of a suffice to symbolize fertility, and local delicacies (Wolf 88).Customarily, the father of the bride is responsible for the wedding banquet hosted on the brides side and the alcohol consumed during both banquets. The wedding banquets are two separate banquets the primitive banquet is hosted once at the brides side, the second banquet, smaller banquet, at the grooms side. While the wedding itself is often based on the couples choices, the wedding banquets are a motility of appreciation, to those that have raised the bride and groom, such as grandparent s and uncles.Additionally, this gesture incorporates the ideas of nurture kinship, in which kinship persists and even thrives beyond the nuclear family. Grandparents, aunts, and uncles, of both sides of the family would often offer alleviate in raising a familys pip-squeak in an attempt to establish nurture kinship bonds. These bonds would then be materialized through gift commutation during the wedding banquet and other important family occasions. The two banquets serve also to ensure the relatives on each side meet the relatives on the other side (Wolf 49).Thus out of respect for the elders, wedding banquets are usually done formally and traditionally, which the older generation is thought to be more comfortable with. As one can see, the six etiquettes of the marriage and its accompanying practices come together to create a single cohesive event meant to bring two families of different clan origins together as one. The traditions and conventions of Chinese kinship that have bee n examined have been kept constant for much of the nations history until the late 19th century and early 20th century.As political turmoil and growing dissatisfaction with the incumbent Qing Dynasty flush, the Chinese population made a push towards reform. After two decades of consolidation, dynastic China emerged from the feudal era as The Republic of China in 1912 headed by Sun Yat-sen. During the Nationalist era, Chinese kinship saw a slow movement towards modernity, a topic discussed in other sources but not focused on in this paper (See Hinton and Zarrow). The one exception to the evolution of kinship in China during this period was the residual influence of The Great Qing Legal Code.Although never referred to by name since the fall of the Qing, the collection of codes put forth by Chinas forefathers manifested itself as a strict penal code during the Republic era, and would be re-adapted based on socialist law during the Peoples Republic era (Jones 229). Even when the governm ents representing China adjust to better fit its changing political landscape, the influences of Confucian teachings still resonate deeply in Chinese kinship and culture. Ultimately, the capitalistic ways of Nationalist China began to brew dissatisfaction among the classes as predicted by the rising popularity of Marxist theory at the time.The issues described by Marx, such as class conflict, were only exacerbated by Chinas already enormous proletariat population. Eventually, and inevitably, The Republic of China was usurped by the communist oriented Peoples Republic of China, headed by Mao Zedong in 1949. Maos rise to ascendancy and the subsequent initiation family reform policies such as the One-Child Policy has had marvelous consequences on traditional Chinese kinship structure and maintenance. The communist partys policies regarding family and kin have persisted into the 21st century with some repercussions already apparent, and others that have yet to be evaluated.The newly fo rmed Peoples Republic of China introduced itself to the modern world as a backward, unsophisticated nation of peasants led by a few intellectuals. Needless to say, the communist party saw prudence in creating a new image for itself. Family size and structure rose to the top of the communist partys agenda as a target for transformation. In 1979, the Chinese government embarked on an ambitious campaign of grocery store reform following the economic stagnation of the Cultural Revolution. The government saw strict population containment as essential to economic reform and to improvement of financial backing standards.So championed by The State Family Planning Bureau, the One-Child Policy was introduced. In its execution, the Policy did everything the Chinese government hoped for by preventing roughly 100 million child births as of 2009 (Hesketh 1173). Although effective in containing Chinas population growth, the One-Child Policy proved to have meaningful impacts in other aspects of C hinese culture, particularly Chinese kinship. The Policys repercussions are in direct conflict with Chinas oldest tradition of ancestor worship.A ritual that had been a driving force of Chinese kinship since the very beginning of feudal China is now at odds with the policies of modern China. Specifically, the One-Child Policy has created a conundrum known as the four-two-one (referred to as 421) phenomenon. The phenomenon is the estimated ratio of grandparents to parents to children currently existing in China (Hesketh 1171). Immediately, the most apparent issue is the imbalance of the ratio between grandparents to grandchildren, essentially for every one child there exist four grandparents.This many not seem like an issue to western societies, but Chinas enormous population, a result of post-WWII baby boom trends, exacerbates the ratio to a breaking point. Traditional kinship bonds dictate that the younger generations must care and nurture for their elders. However with such an hu ffy ratio of individuals between the generations, Chinas sons are failing to support their fathers while jeopardizing their own livelihood. Confucius signature relationship of father-son is now threatened greatly by the incurred financial burden of Chinas youth.Changes in kinship structure and, to a lesser degree, family structure are driven by changes in fertility and mortality. The drastic reduction in fertility has substantially reduced the number of children born to each family, so that the extensive horizontal kinship ties of Chinas past have essentially been curtailed (Jiang 128). However, improvements in mortality have brought unprecedented longevity to Chinas elderly, and an overlap of generations that has made vertical kinship ties progressively common (Jiang 129).Ancestor worship is at odds with Chinas new agenda of population reform and containment. The sudden reduction of horizontal kinship bonds and unadulterated amplification of vertical kinship bonds forces Chinas n ewest generation to pick between financially stability, through neglecting their elders, or supporting their elders, through draining their own personal capital. Similar to ancestor worship, the Confucian concepts of filial piety and marriage are also tested by the One-Child Policy.Starting with filial piety, the stipulation that families can only bear one child has put tremendous emphasis on patrilineal descent and the birth of sons. In feudal China, citizens were given the opportunity to produce as many offspring as needed and yet some families still failed to produce sons, and lineages were lost. Now, with only one opportunity, modern Chinese families have put an unprecedented level of importance to a mothers ability to bear a male child. This in turn critically affects the father-son dynamic schematic by Confucius.Instead of overtly obeying ones parents, male children in China now understand the importance of their position, and exploit it. Chinas newest generation of males hav e exhibited an unrecorded level of sexual, social, and media experimentation, generations of sexual and individual repression are just now starting to be shattered (Fong 1103). Additionally, the One-Child Policy has had mixed impact on the circumstance of females and by extension marriage. With very limited contraception available for women, the One-Child Policy has forced families to prioritize the birth of males over females.This inevitably leads to the marginalization of the female gender in modern China and an incredibly imbalanced gender ratio. However, the results of the Policy on womans social status in China are not completely skewed to one, negative aspect. Those women who are kept by their families have just recently seen an unparalleled lift in their social positions and powers. Daughters sceptred by the support of their parents, with no sons to favor, are able to defy detrimental norms while strategically using ones that give them advantages in the educational system a nd the hire out and marriage markets (Fong 1105).Furthermore, divorce rates have never been higher in modern China as a result of the empowered female gender. Women are more freely seeking new relationships and marriages, a notion inconceivable during the height of Confucian marriage practices. Modernity is an atypical force. Traditional kinship relationships and marriage practices of China are not necessarily broken by modern policies, like the One-Child, but they are certainly altered from their ancestral conceptualizations in feudal China. Chinese kinship is one of the most unique and complicated kinship systems ever examined.The kinship bonds established by the Chinese people may calculate outwardly strict or even ascetic, but underneath the guise of structure, is an incredibly resilient dogma that still influences kinship in China today. Confucius ideas of ancestor worship, filial piety, and marriage all amalgamate to create a system of kinship that has withstood dynasties, r egimes, and political parties. The recent challenges presented by the One-Child Policy have certainly put strain on traditional kinship relationships like that of father to son.Yet, the elevation of the female gender and increased fluidity in marriage rituals signify that Chinese kinship is not as stagnant as some anthropologists believe. No matter how much change is imposed on Chinas kinship, the vocalism of Confucius will always permeate families, marriages, siblings, and children. Works Cited Directly used in paper Akin, David. 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