As Predictors of Implicit Leadership Theories

As Predictors of Implicit Leadership Theories This study seeks to investigate how employed individuals form Implicit Leadership Theories (ILTs), or personal assumptions about the characteristics of a business leader. The existing literature consistently explains that employed individuals, through socialization and past experiences with leaders, develop ILTs. However, such studies have neglected to examine directly how ones past leaders have affected the formation process, therefore leading to a hypothesis examining this formation process. As a competing hypothesis, subordinates personalities will also be assessed on the extent to which subordinates form ILTs congruent with their own personality and how having a leadership self-image affects this relationship. Lastly, it is also predicted that subordinates share a common element when assessing ILTs, such that they will rate participative leadership behaviors higher than any other leadership behaviors. Personality and Past Experiences As Predictors of Implicit Leadership Theories Introduction Employees perceptions, prior expectations, and cognitive prototypes regarding the leadership process have dominated part of the leadership literature (Foti Lord, 1987; Kenney, Schwartz-Kenney, Blascovich, 1996; Larson, 1982; Lord Maher, 1993). Based on such literature, it has been determined that working individuals, through socialization and past experiences with leaders, develop Implicit Leadership Theories (ILTs), or personal assumptions about the traits and abilities that characterize an ideal business leader (Epitropaki Martin, 2004 PAGE NUMBER). ILTs stem from cognitive structures, or schemas, that specify traits and behaviors that followers believe an ideal leader should exhibit. They are stored in the memory, and when followers interact with a person in a leadership position, such schemas become stimulated (Kenney et al., 1996). These leadership schemas provide organizational members with a cognitive basis for understanding and responding to supervisor behavior, and they are essential elements of organizational sense-making (Poole, Gioia, Gray, 1989; Weick, 1995). The potential role of ILTs within organizational settings has been highlighted in the literature (Bass Avolio, 1989; Epitropaki Martin, 2004; Lord Maher, 1993; Offermann, Kennedy, Wirtz, 1994). Implicit leadership theories have been represented as a recognition-based approach to leadership (Lord, 1985). Based on this approach, employees compare their implicit leadership theories with their leaders traits and behaviors (Calder, 1977). This matching process is expected to form the impressions employees hold for their leaders. Each individual develops a unique schema (which is sometimes referred to as a prototype) on what traits and behaviors constitute an ideal leader, specifically in the business world. A prototype is an abstract conception of the most representative member or most widely shared features of a given cognitive category (Phillips, 1984, p. 126). These leadership prototypes are said to be formed through exposure to social events, interpersonal interactions, and prior experiences with leaders (Epitropaki Martin, 2004). Therefore, the general definition of ILTs has led to the belief that past experiences predict the formation of such theories. Such prototypes are formed by role schemas (or normative expectations) that allow followers to understand and interpret leaders traits and behaviors (Calder, 1977). As such, it is proposed that leadership is a common label applied to the traits and behaviors congruent with the observers ILTs. When a person exhibits potential leadership characteristics (as defined by the ILT), subordinates assess the potential leader for distinctiveness (as in distinct leadership attributes and behaviors) regarding that behavior (Calder, 1977). If the behavior is distinguishable from the behaviors of other group members, then leadership may be attributed to the person. Similarly, it has been suggested that the perception of leadership involves the activation of a leader category (Phillips Lord, 1981). As such, a persons attributes and/or behaviors are compared to prototypical leader characteristics, activating the leader category if there is a match between attributes and the prototypical attributes and behaviors. In this regard, Lord and his associates (e.g., Lord, 1985; Lord Maher, 1993; Phillips Lord, 1981) have contributed to the ILT field. On the basis of Roschs (1978) theory of cognitive categorization, such literature suggested a categorization theory to leadership and argued that leadership perceptions form a number of hierarchically organized schemas or cognitive categories, each of which is represented by a set of prototypes. Additionally, once a person is categorized as a leader, the activated leader prototype causes followers to selectively attend to, encode, and retrieve schema-consistent information and to provide consistent information where such information does not exist (Phillips Lord, 1981 cited in Kenney, Blascovich, Shaver, p.411). Moreover, Lord and others (Lord et al., 1984; Phillips Lord, 1982) have found that people use categories to differentiate between leaders and non-leaders and between effective and ineffective leaders, which seems essential to the formation of ILTs. Other cognitive categorization theories (e.g., Barsalou, 1985; Smith Medin, 1981) however, argue that classification occurs as observers compare stimuli with ideals or specific examples stored in memory. An ideal includes characteristics that category members should exhibit if they are to serve as a representative to the category (Barsalou, 1985). As such, a category members prototypicality increases with its similarity to the categorys ideal. Therefore, in some cases, categories may be organized around ideal prototypes rather than typical prototypes. For example, a follower might judge a leader based on an ideal notion (ILT) when evaluating whether a leader is worthy of influence (Barsalou, 1985). Similarly, the closer the stimulus is to a categorys ideal, or the more category exemplars the stimulus resembles, the more likely the observer will classify the stimulus as a member of that category (Kenney, Schwartz-Kenney, Blascovich, 1996). In this example, the category is a leader w ho is worthy of influence. It has also been argued that there is a possible feedback loop between employees categorization of a supervisor as congruent to the implicit leadership profile and their perceptions of the supervisors behavior (Lord Maher, 1993). Leadership categorization processes can have an influence on perceptions of actual leader behavior, but they are also likely to be affected by a persons general day-to-day experiences with a manager. It might be through their exposure to their actual leaders behaviors that employees engage in a categorization process and make active comparison between their actual supervisor and the implicit profile stored in memory. Furthermore, perceivers may then rely on existing categorizations and evaluations of congruence to further simplify the processes required to recognize leadership in others. Once someone is categorized as close or distant to a perceivers ILTs, the relevant leadership schema generates further assumptions about the persons behavior, affecting per ceptions of that behavior. Additionally, once people attach a label to an object, person, or event, this process of categorization guides how they interpret much of the subsequent information they encounter concerning that object, person, or event. Over time, this additional information tends to strengthen the original categorization (Lord Maher, 1993). Measure of ILTs and Effects on Validity To date, there is no single and widely accepted measure of implicit leadership theories. Several researchers have developed independent lists of traits to measure ILTs, but such lists are rarely replicated in other research, and they often use different clusters of traits. However, attributes such as intelligent, honest, dynamic, and motivated seem to exist in all the lists elicited, and a distinction between positive (prototypic) and negative (anitprototypic) traits has been made by most researchers (Epitropaki Martin, 2004; Offermann, Kennedy, Wirtz, 1994). In addition, ILT trait lists can be fairly long, as in Lord et al.s (1984) scale of 59 items, the Schein Descriptive Indexs (SDI; Schein, 1973) 92 item scale, and Offermann et al.s (1994) scale of 41 items (Epitropaki Martin, 2004). Other scales include the Campbell Leadership Indicator (CLI; Campbell, 1991), Kenney et al.s (1996) Leaders Described as Worthy of Influence, and House et al.s (1999) Culturally Endorsed Implicit Leadership Theories (CILTs). It is important to note here that leadership instruments as a whole have used both traits and behaviors to measure the construct. Specifically, the trait approach emphasizes attributes of leaders such as personality, motives, values, and skills, whereas the behavior approach emphasizes the importance of what leaders actually do (e.g., activities, responsibilities, functions, etc.; Yukl, 2002.). However, behavioral theories are often considered a stronger approach in leadership literature, and thus will be the approach taken in the present study. Specifically, a meta-analysis examining the Ohio State leadership behaviors of Consideration and Initiating Structure dimensions illustrated important support for the validity of Initiating Structure and Consideration in leadership research (Judge, Piccolo, Ilies, 2004). Generalizability of ILTs A variety of individual difference variables have been considered as potentially being related to ILTs. The present study primarily examines personality as individual differences in relation to ILTs. If individual differences do not affect ILTs, then the ILTs would be generalizable across different groups of people. Such generalizability has been examined in relation to some groups of people, including gender, type of role or job, and culture. However, the generalizability of ILTs is supported by contradictory evidence. Generalizability findings have mainly focused on the areas of consistency across gender (Deal Stevenson, 1998; Offermann et al., 1994), consistency from students to professional samples (Offermann et al., 1994), and consistencies across cultures (Bryman, 1987; House et al., 1999). All three areas are generally supported across the generalizability studies, as findings support claims that ILTs remain unaffected by individual and contextual differences, and the degree to which employees resort to categorical thinking and use ILTs as a map to evaluate their actual supervisors behavior does not vary as a function of context or individual differences (Epitropaki Martin, 2005). However, other findings argue that some variations do exist. For example, even though men and women have similar perceptions of prototypic leaders, men rated traits such as aggressive, competitive, and feelings not easily hurt higher than women did, and women rated traits such as being aware of others feelings, helpful, and self-confident higher than men did (Deal Stevenson, 1998). In other words, one groups ILT is not necessarily the same as another groups. In addition, there is much discrepancy in ILT ratings in the cross-cultural literature on leadership. For instance, Gerstner (1994) compared leadership prototypes of a business leader across several countries using an attribute-rating task. Results indicated that there are reliable differences in the prototypical leadership perceptions of members from the various countries sampled. Such findings were built upon other literatures asserting that perception is not solely an innate, physiological function of the cognitive process, but is also a subjective process reflecting the self, including cultural background (Markus Kitayama, 1991). Likewise, it was also previously found that characteristic traits of a leader in one culture may be very different from prototypical traits in another culture (Shaw, 1990). Additionally, Hofstede (1976) has proposed that the more similar two individuals are in terms of nationality, the more likely they are to perceive their social environment similarly. Overall, therefore, the generalizability claims of ILTs appear inconclusive, but pertinent information may be lacking. As such, further investigation should be undertaken. Additionally, other hypotheses by Eptriopaki and Martin (2005) examined the degree to which people use ILTs as a benchmark to make sense of their supervisors behavior, and suggested that it might change as a function of context. For instance, a limited capacity model has been applied to leadership perceptions and leader behavior ratings (Epitrokpaki Martin, 2005; Lord Maher, 1990). This model acknowledges peoples limited memory capacity and their reliance on general cognitive simplification mechanisms (such as ILTs), particularly in conditions of high cognitive load. Furthermore, it was also proposed that employees in jobs of high demand will rely more on their ILTs to rate the quality of the leader-member exchange (LMX) relationship they develop with their manager (Epitropaki Martin, 2005). It was further proposed that employees in exchanges of short duration would rely more on their ILTs to rate the quality of the relationship they develop with their supervisors than those in ex changes of long durations. Such variations have not been examined further, and there is still a clear need for future examination of all demographical variables. When considering the formation of ILTs, the present proposal will hold cultural differences constant, as only U.S. residents will serve as participants. Ethnicity and gender differences will be controlled. As described above, the definition and illustration of ILTs often refers to past experiences playing a role in the formation of such theories. However, studies have neglected to examine directly how ones past leaders have affected the formation process. The first hypothesis in the present study attempts to explain how the role of past experiences affects the ILT formation process by examining ratings of subordinates most and least effective leaders. Therefore, the following is hypothesized about the effects of experience on predicting implicit leadership theories: Hypothesis 1: Subordinates past experiences with various types of leaders will predict their implicit leadership theories. ILTs will be more strongly related to descriptions of ones most effective leader than to descriptions of ones least effective leader. The Formation of ILTs Expanded: The Effects of Personality The present study also examines how ILTs could be formed by personality. Historically, results of investigations relating personality traits to leadership have been inconsistent and often disappointing. Most reviews of the literature have concluded that the trait approach has fallen out of favor among leadership researchers. The original source of skepticism with the trait approach is often attributed to Stogdills (1948) influential review. Although Stogdill did find some consistent relations, he concluded, The findings suggest that leadership is not a matter of passive status or of the mere possession of some combination of traits (Stogdill, 1948, p. 66). As Bass (1990) noted, after Stogdills (1948) review, situation-specific analyses took over, in fact, dominating the field of leadership theory and research (p. 59). Many attempts have examined the personality traits in effective leaders (Hogan, 1994; Judge Bono, 2000; Tett Burnett, 2003), but the definition of what comprises an e ffective leader may be partly responsible for theory abandonment. Perhaps this is because there are unique differences among individuals personalities, it seems likely that individuals implicit leadership theories, or their expectations of an effective leader, will be differ from person to person, and these differences could be related to personality of the person whose ILT is examined. The ILTs approach reflects a resurgence of interest in leadership traits, but the emphasis is now placed on the perceptual processes underlying the conceptualization of leadership. When defining ideal leadership, it is important to remember that ones personality may affect what behaviors he or she thinks are most effective for leading others (Cucina, Vasilopoulos, Sehgal, 2005). A similar case has already been argued for the role that supervisors implicit theories play on performance appraisals (Borman, 1987; Cronbach, 1955; Uggerslev Sulsky, 2008). For instance, it has been found that raters often use their own distinctive dimensions to evaluate the performance of their employees (Borman, 1987). Such evidence has led to the implementation of frame-of-reference (FOR) training, or a training program that helps raters hold a common understanding of how to rate an organizations performance dimensions. FOR training has been shown to help increase the accuracy of performance ratings, thereby countering the effects of supervisors implicit theories of performance. Therefore, if it has been found that supervisors have implicit theories based on their own personal performance ideology, it only seems logical that subordinates could too have their own personal theories on the performance of leaders. Social Perceptions based on Similarity Some of the ILT literature has suggested that implicit theories can provide stability to dyadic relationships when they fulfill a similarity paradigm (Epitropaki Martin, 2001; Turban et al., 1990). For instance, the similarity-attraction paradigm (Byrne, 1971) states that similarity between individuals with regard to personal attributes or other characteristics is linearly related to interpersonal attraction, such that similarity gives rise to attraction while dissimilarity engenders repulsion. In the context of outcomes, it has been argued that interpersonal attraction fosters supervisor-subordinate compatibility and in turn, performance. For instance, the resulting interpersonal connection encourages accurate perception of supervisor performance expectations and, consequently, improved subordinate performance (Deluga, 1998). In addition, there is evidence that perceptions of similarity, both in a general sense (Wexley Pulakos, 1983) and with regard to specific attributes such as demographic characteristics (Epitropaki Martin, 2001), attitudes (Phillips Bedeian, 1994), values (Ashkanasy OConnor, 1997), competence (Kim Organ, 1982) and personality traits (Bauer Green, 1996; Keller, 1999), have been associated with perceptions of leader-member exchange quality. Moreover, it has been found that subordinates who regard themselves as being similar to their supervisors communicate more with them, and are rated as higher performers than those who do not (Turban et al., 1990). This may describe the previously mentioned gender differences found in terms of individual ratings on effective leader attributes. Other relationships, like mentorships, have also evidenced success based on attraction due to the similarity of race and gender, and perceived similarity of beliefs and attitudes (Turban, Dougherty, Lee, 2001). Overall, perceived similarity in a dyad (such as a supervisor-subordinate pair) is often related to favorable or pleasurable outcomes. Social Perceptions and Self-Serving Biases Individuals often believe that what they do, or how they contribute at work, is important. For instance, literature on positive self-illusions suggests that individuals may prefer leaders similar to the self, because such individuals tend to hold unrealistic, positive illusions of the self (Taylor Brown, 1988). Assuming that becoming a leader and leadership are construed as socially desirable, individuals may keep unrealistic expectations of assuming a leadership position and project their own traits onto idealized leadership images. In other words, as individuals tend to view themselves in an overly positive manner, believing that they themselves could be leaders, they may be most satisfied and most likely to want to continue working with leaders who are similar to them (Taylor Brown, 1988). They might judge such leaders to be more effective, which is similar to ILT perceptions. The social cognition literature also suggests that individuals engage in self-serving biases when describing attributes that are necessary for performance (Cucina, Vasilopoulos, Sehgal, 2005). It has been suggested that individuals tend to indicate that their own personality traits are those that are necessary for successful performance. Research in this domain initially (Lewicki, 1983) examined self-serving biases when looking at prototypes of social categories. It was evidenced that if an individual has a favorable impression of a target (e.g., a leader), then he or she will be more likely to assume that the target has the same characteristics as ones self. In addition, she will ascribe her own strengths and positive attributes to the target. While there is currently no available literature on self-serving biases and implicit leadership theories, several studies have examined how self-serving biases affect ratings of leadership orientation (Dunning, Perie, Story, 1991; McElwee, Dunning, Tan, Hollman, 2001). In these studies, participants tended to rate leaders as goal- or people-oriented depending on which orientation the participant possessed. Interestingly, such self-serving biases were only present when rating leadership performance, as opposed to leadership creativity (Dunning, Perie, Story, 1991). In addition, liking the target leader was not found to mediate or moderate the relationship between orientation of the leader and orientation of the participant (McElwee, Dunning, Tan, and Hollman, 2001). Perhaps the trait activation model (Tett Burnett, 2003) can assist in explaining how people develop the previously discussed self-biased belief systems, and consequently, their expectations. For instance, according to the trait activation model, a person will rate specific behaviors high on importance for successful performance, because those specific behaviors (and their underlying personality trait) are what make him or her effective. Because of such beliefs, those behaviors become valued by the individual. For example, a conscientious person will likely engage in organizational behaviors and work in a methodical fashion, because that is what he or she thinks is necessary in order to perform successfully on a job. When a persons traits are valued by ones organization (or perhaps ones leader), the person will probably experience more satisfaction with the job (Tett Burnett, 2003). In return, an individual may expect a leader to have similar traits as the self if these traits are seen as valuable and related to performance. Applying this rationale, it is hypothesized that a self-serving belief system will affect the formation of followers implicit leadership theories in terms of trait-based principles. Such a hypothesis lies on the foundation that personality is the underlying driving force behind how individuals behave, or why certain types of behaviors are valued. In other words, it is speculated that a subordinate will rate how an effective leader should perform (i.e., ILT), based on implicit assumptions about the behaviors that make the subordinate most effective. It is proposed that followers will hold implicit leadership theories based on a self-serving bias: that is, a bias that successf ul people are like themselves. Thus, followers will expect an effective leader to exhibit behaviors congruent with the followers own personalities. Hypothesis 2: Subordinates personalities will affect the formation of their implicit leadership theories. As such, subordinates will rate leaders who exhibit behaviors that correspond to their own personality traits as more effective than leaders whose behaviors do not correspond to the subordinates personality traits. Specifically: Subordinate conscientiousness is positively associated with rating a business leader high on initiating structure. Subordinate agreeableness is positively associated with rating a business leader high on consideration. Subordinate extraversion is positively associated with rating a business leader high on inspiring commitment. Subordinate agreeableness is positively associated with rating a business leader high on participative style. The rationale for this hypothesis rests on inferences about the relationships between specific personality traits and specific (leader) behaviors. Regarding Hypothesis 2a, the correspondence between scoring high on conscientiousness and rating a business leader high on initiating structure stems from the constructs definitions. For instance, because those who score high on conscientiousness are said to have high levels of thoughtfulness, with good impulse control and goal-directed behaviors (Goldberg, 1992), it seems feasible to assume that such persons would assign high ILT ratings for leader dimensions like initiating structure. Initiating structure refers to leader behaviors such as encouraging the use of uniform procedures and maintaining definite standards of performance (Stogdill, 1963), leader behaviors that parallel the definition of conscientiousness. Similarly, because those who score high on agreeableness are said to have high levels of trust, altruism, kindness, affection, and other prosocial behaviors, it is predicted that such persons would have high ILT ratings for the leader dimension of consideration. Consideration refers to leader behaviors such as treating all group members as ones equal and looking out for the personal welfare of group members, behaviors that seem to parallel the definition of agreeableness. Similarly, it is also predicted that those who score high on agreeableness will have high ILT ratings for the leader dimension participative style. Leaders with a participative style consult with their subordinates when facing problems and ask them for suggestions concerning how ideas should be implemented (Northhouse, 2004). Lastly, because those who score high on extraversion are said to have high levels of excitability, sociability, assertiveness, emotional expressiveness, and optimism, it is predicted that such persons would assign high ILT ratings for leader dimensions like inspiring commitment. Inspiring commitment refers to the leader behaviors of proposing change with great enthusiasm and exerting optimism when describing a difficult activity or mission for a work unit (Yukl, 1998). These behaviors seem to parallel the definition of extraversion. Leadership Self-Image Self-schemas are sets of cognitive structures that provide for individual expertise in particular domains of social behavior (Markus, Smith, Moreland, 1985). As schematicism increases in a conceptual domain, such as leadership, so does sensitivity to the behavior of others in that domain. Thinking of oneself as a leader may make ones own characteristics more salient for judging leaders. As a result, it will be important to note whether or not individuals see themselves as leaders, because it may affect if they expect a leader to be like them. That is, if the people think of themselves as leaders, then the Hypotheses 2 are more likely to be true. If, on the other hand, the person has no self-image as a leader and does not ever want to be a leader, the self-serving hypothesis might be less true. It would not be very self-serving to see another person being effective at something (e.g., leadership) as similar to oneself if leadership plays no part in ones self-image. Therefore, the relationships in Hypotheses 2 should be moderated by ones self-image regarding leadership. Hypothesis 3: Subordinate leadership self-image will moderate the relationship between subordinate personality and formation of implicit leadership theories. The relationship between personality and the formation of implicit leadership theories will be stronger when subordinates have a leadership self-image. A proposed model that is consistent with the preceding hypotheses can be viewed in Figure 1. By examining how ILTs may be formed, especially if ones past experience plays a role, important implications could be explored. For instance, Eptiropaki and Martin (2005) noted the potential role ILTs could play in the socialization of newcomers. As such, ILTs can potentially have a significant impact on the development of interpersonal relationships during the organizational socialization process (Eptiropaki Martin, 2005, p. 673). Subsequently, current training programs of leadership could seriously benefit by including some form of ILTs training to increase managers awareness of their subordinate ILTs. Figure 1. The effects of personality and experience on predicting implicit leadership theories. Experience with Behaviors of Multiple Leaders Personality of Subordinates Implicit Leadership Theory Leadership Self-Image Demographic Considerations Previously mentioned generalization issues will be considered when conducting the study. Gender effects on ILTs are of interest in past research, as are age and experience. Younger and less experienced employees might have different conceptions of ideal leadership from employees with more experience and more exposure to organizational leaders (Brown Lord, 2001). Age, education level, occupational title, and years employed will therefore be examined and controlled if necessary. In addition, ethnicity will be recorded, but the sample will be limited to United States residents to avoid previously found cross-cultural differences. Participative Leadership Even though there are often individual differences among people, maybe working individuals just generally prefer a participative leader over a certain type of leadership that is based on their personalities or past experiences. For instance, practicing participative leadership offers a variety of potential benefits, including likelihood to increase the quality of decision-making (Scully, Kirkpatrick Locke, 1995), to contribute to the quality of employees work life (Somech, 2002), and to increase employees motivation (Locke and Latham, 1990), commitment (Armenakis, Harris, Mossholder, 1993), and satisfaction (Smylie, Lazarus, Brownlee-Conyers, 1996), all of which suggest that subordinates react well to participation leadership. Participative leadership is based on the process of joint decision-making by two or more parties in which the decisions have future effects on those making them. The amount of participation by any individual is the amount of influence he or she has on the decisions and plans agreed upon (Vroom, 1959). Specifically, participative leadership involves the efforts of a supervisor to encourage and facilitate participation by subordinates when making decisions that could have been made by the manager alone. Participative leadership can take many forms, such as revising a tentative decision after receiving protests, asking for suggestions before making a decision, or allowing others to make a decision subject to a supervisors final authorization (Yukl, 2002). Field and House (1990) examined the validity of the Vroom-Yetton decision-making model of leadership, and found it was validated for managers, but not for subordinates. Although they were not explicitly studying ILTs, their results sug gest that because the model was developed and validated on managers perceptions of leader styles in relation to their perceptions of effectiveness, it is biased towards managers implicit leadership theories. Subordinates in their study, however, perc

The Harmful Educational Tracking System Essay -- Education, Curriculum

In this day and age, the United States, leader of the free world, is not leading. Our economic system is failing. Even worse, our educational system falls short compared to other nations. Consequently, our literacy rate and mathematical abilities are far behind; and even more embarrassing is the fact that education is not doled out equally despite our rather relentless fight against inequality. When academic achievement is examined on the basis of race, class, and gender, widening academic gaps are evident. * If this continues, there will be nowhere to go but down, economically and educationally. In order to prevent this foreboding future, we must get rid of the practice behind it - Tracking. Tracking, or homogenous grouping, is a process in which groups of students are assigned to different sets of classes, or tracks, based on factors such as academic performance, teacher recommendation, and potential for acquiring more knowledge (Oakes 3; Gamoran and Mare 1152). Schools use tracking to determine class placement for students for optimal instruction. The placement of these students is, supposedly, meant to meet their varying needs. In some schools tracking is done based on subject, meaning a student can be a quick learner in math, but slow in language, etc (Lockwood 2; Oakes 3). While tracking can serve as an effective means of organization within a school, it also harbors many detrimental effects for students. This brings me to the purpose of this paper, that tracking is not a practice worth continuing and should be discontinued? Tracking must be terminated. In this paper, in order to understand why we must detrack, I will first examine tracking in terms of race and class. Second, I will consider the effects of tracking as... ...Web. 14 Oct. 2011. Page, Reba Neukom. Lower-Track Classrooms: A Curricular and Cultural Perspective. New York: Teachers College, 1991. Print Petrilli, Michael. â€Å"All Together Now? Educating High and Low Achievers in the Same Classroom.† Education Next 11.1 (2011): 48-55. Web. 4 Nov. 2011. Pool, Harbison, and Jane A. Page, eds. Beyond Tracking: Finding Success in Inclusive Schools. Bloomington, Indiana: Phi Delta Kappa Educational Foundation, 1995. Print. Schofield, Janet Ward â€Å"International Evidence on Ability Grouping With Curriculum Differentiation and the Achievement Gap in Secondary Schools.† Teachers College Record 112.5 (2010):1492-1528. Wheelock, Anne. Alternatives To Tracking and Ability Grouping. Virginia: American Association of School Administrators, 1994. Print.

National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (

A landmark court case that occurred in the early 1950†³s resulted in the desegregation of public schools. This historic Supreme Court case was known as Brown vs. Board of Education. The place was Topeka, Kansas, 1951. A little girl named Linda Brown and her father, Oliver Brown, attempted to enroll Linda in a neighborhood elementary school that accepted whites only. The request was denied, by the White elementary school. The little girl only lived a few blocks from the White elementary school, which would have been a good fit for her. Instead, she ended up traveling about a mile each day to attend the nearest Black school. Mr. Brown decided to request the help of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). The NAACP was glad to help in the fight. Mr. Brown and the NAACP moved forward and challenged the segregation law. In 1892, the Plessy vs. Ferguson decision had set a precedent for the issue of â€Å"separate but equal,† which had been applied to school in the Southern states since then. Parents in other states were also pursuing the challenge to the â€Å"separate but equal† doctrine in South Carolina, Virginia, and Delaware. Mr. Brown†s case was heard by the U. S. District Court for the District of Kansas. The request by Mr. Brown was to prohibit segregation of the public schools in Topeka. The NAACP argued to the court that separating Black children from White children was sending a wrong type of message to the Black children. The message being sent was that Black children were somehow inferior to Whites and that there was no way that the education being provided could be equal. On the other hand, the Board of Education argued that segregation was a fact of life in the states where these children attended school, and that segregated schools helped prepare the children for the reality of what their adult lives would be like (Robinson 2005). The Board of education went on to cite different successful educated American, none of whom attended integrated schools, such as Frederick Douglass, George Washington Carver, and Booker T. Washington. In handing down their decision, the judges in this case wrote that â€Å"colored children†¦ † suffered a â€Å"detrimental effect† from segregation of the schools (Robinson 2005). However, they believed that the legal precedent set by the Plessy vs. Ferguson case prevented them from issuing the requested injunction and the result was that they ruled in favor of the Topeka Board of Education. Mr. Brown and the NAACP appealed the case and it went to the United States Supreme Court in the latter part of 1951. The case was combined with the Delaware, Virginia, and South Carolina cases. The Supreme Court handled this case very delicately and deliberated for quite sometime. The case was first heard by the Supreme Court, but a decision was not made at that time. Various interpretations of the Fourteenth Amendment were discussed and whether the Plessy vs. Ferguson case had violated it. The case was heard again by the Supreme Court in December of 1953. Thurgood Marshall, who was the first African American Supreme Court Justice, gladly argued for Brown and the NAACP. Finally, a decision was made. On May 17, 1954, the U. S. Supreme Court issued the following decision: â€Å"†¦ Does segregation of children in public schools solely on the basis of race, even though the physical facilities may be equal, deprive the children of the minority group of equal education opportunities? We believe that it does†¦ We conclude that in the field of public education the doctrine of â€Å"separate but equal† has no place†¦ (Brown vs. Board 1954). The Supreme Court tasked the nation with implementing this historic decision with deliberate speed. Recognizing the value of education, the court ruled unanimously in favor of equity. The Supreme Court declared that education is perhaps the most important function of state and local governments. It prepares our children for later professional training and in helping him to adjust normally to his environment. The court also declared that it is doubtful that any child may reasonably be expected to succeed in life if he is denied the opportunity of an education. But the vagueness of the phrase combined with continued bigotry slowed the process, in some cases to a standstill. With the segregation of public schools declared unconstitutional, segregationists across the South sprang into action to prevent the implementation of public school integration. Some states began to pass state laws to uphold segregation, which then had to be challenged in court by the federal government, one by one, delaying black children from attending White schools. Councils began to be developed, by segregationists, to fight against desegregation. One of the most dramatic occurred in Little Rock, Arkansas, in 1957, when White mobs screamed threats at nine Black high school students and blocked them, as they tried to go into their new school for the first time. The Black students were unsuccessful, unfortunately. The president at the time was President Eisenhower, of whom ended up calling in the National Guard to protect them so they could enter the school. President Eisenhower had to call in the National Guard to escort black children to an Arkansas school that refused to integrate. Other communities used different tactics to resist. In Virginia, schools closed rather than desegregate. Elsewhere, some white families migrated to suburbs. Some black parents kept their children in the same black schools to avoid conflict. Families who chose white schools under freedom of choice plans, allowing black children attend any school in a district, received threats. In at least one instance, a cross was burned outside the home of a family. Across the nation, the 1954 Supreme Court decision brought forth dreams of heightened hope and yet resistance, as well. According to Benjamin Mays, the backbone of segregation had been broken. Martin Luther King expressed that the decision was a joyous day-break after a long desolate midnight (Moss 2004, 63). In conclusion, school desegregation was not an issue that was resolved overnight; rather, it was the persistence of those against segregation and the realization of the unequality that it was enduring upon our children that pushed the historic decision that will never be forgotten. Fifty years after the decision was made, it stands to reason that generations of U. S. students have benefited from its relief. The ruling spawned other protectionist laws, Title IX, for example, which specifically extends Brown's principles to gender, that prohibit noncompliant institutions from receiving federal funds, and it cleared the educational paths of millions of minority students. Yet today, people's impressions of the impact of the decision vary as widely as their personal experiences. Baby boomers recall a time of expanded opportunity and change, while younger generations, nowadays, feel that the current classroom compositions are what they are, with the law behind them, the issue simply fills the pages in their history books. Although the Brown case directly addressed racial discrimination in public schools, the case has had great significance for women, as well. The Brown vs. Board of education decision was the legal decision necessary to stop segregation in its tracks. By the time the decision was handed down by the Supreme Court, Linda Brown had already moved on to attend middle school.

Defining Risk Management Capabilities And How Risk...

This essay would start by defining risk management capability and how risk maturity model can be used to assess and enhanced an organisation risk management capability. Then it will go on and discuss the importance of enterprise risk management and discuss the role of chief executive risk officer. It is important to know how to define risk management capability. (Hillson, 1997) developed a risk maturity model for organisation to assess their current maturity, identifying new ways of improvement of risk management capability. There are four levels of risk maturity which are Naà ¯ve (level 1), Novice (level 2), Normalised (level 3) and Natural (level 4). The description of risk management maturity level are as follow. Naà ¯ve : Unaware of the†¦show more content†¦External parties might not be welcome as there are no record of success to compare with since there was not any proper risk management in place before. (Hopkinson,2011) added that level 2 does not set a particularly demanding standard. It requires creating value greater than the cost of implementing the risk management process. Advancing from level 2 to level 3 requires using a risk register. The Risk Register is a tool to assist Project Managers in identifying likely sources of risk and the impact they may have on achieving objective. (Government office from the North West,2008). The first step is a brainstorm session to identify risk that may affect the project. It is important that the risks are clearly defined so that the risk is understood clearly and can be tackled. Secondly, consequence and probability of risks need to be rated (e.g. 1-5) and define each rating by their impact or likelihood. Finally, multiply the ratings of consequence and impact, rank the risks from highest severity to lowest severity. (Government office from the North West,2008). Every risks should be assigned to a risk owner which is responsible for managing the risk, a risk response to minimise both the likelihood and impact of the risk and a target completion date for the mitigation. Regular risk reviews need to be done becau se risks might emerge or become no longer relevant constantly. However, the impactShow MoreRelatedThe Principles Of Project Management1748 Words   |  7 PagesIntroduction NTCP Model is closely related to PMBOK principles of project management, it incorporates the basic belief and put forward a framework for addressing risk and uncertainties within project management domain. This model has been formulated by undertaking serious research involving multiple dimensions. 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